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Archive for October, 2009

Clinton urges new Mid-East talks

Posted by admin On October - 31 - 2009

The US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton addresses a news conference at the Pakistn Foreign Ministry in Islamabad (28 Oct 2009)

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is in the Middle East for talks seeking to restart the stalled peace process.

She will meet Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in the United Arab Emirates before heading to Jerusalem to see Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu.

Speaking earlier to the BBC, Mrs Clinton said a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians remained a "high priority" for the United States.

The US remains committed to plans for a two-state solution, Mrs Clinton added.

Before Mrs Clinton’s arrival in the region, Mr Netanyahu said he hoped for a resumption of peace talks with the Palestinians as soon as possible.

However, a key sticking point is Israel’s refusal to freeze settlement building on the occupied West Bank.

‘Little urgency’

Mrs Clinton’s visit is part of a weekend of discussions to try to restart the stalled Middle East peace process.

"This is a high priority for not only our administration but for much of the world. It is one of the most common questions that I am asked," Mrs Clinton stressed.

"The fact that I’m in the region… reinforces the seriousness with which we are approaching our desire to get the parties to begin a serious negotiation that can lead to a two-state solution."

The Palestinians had been emboldened by earlier American talk of the need for a settlement freeze, the BBC’s Tim Franks in Jerusalem says.

Mrs Clinton has said that there is little point in the US wanting negotiations more than the parties themselves and our correspondent adds that there appears little sense of urgency from the Israelis and the Palestinians.


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

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Black or white?

Posted by admin On October - 31 - 2009

By Gary Duffy,
BBC News, Rio de Janeiro

Brazilian students

There are more people of African descent in Brazil than in any country outside the African continent itself, but the higher you go in Brazilian society the less evidence there appears to be of that reality.

Critics say part of the blame lies with a system which has often failed to provide equality of access to third-level education, though recent years have seen some improvements.

To try to address the problem, many Brazilian universities have adopted affirmative action policies or quotas to try to boost the number of black and mixed race students, or more generally those from poor backgrounds.

Gisele Alves

It is a controversial approach which some argue is necessary to end decades of inequality, while others fear it threatens to introduce racial tension in a society which has been largely free of such problems.

Gisele Alves lives in a poor neighbourhood in Nova Iguacu on the outskirts of Rio de Janeiro, and says she doubts she would have got to college without a helping hand from the state.

She is studying at the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ), which was one of the first to adopt quotas.

"I thought I was going to finish school, find work in a little shop, get married and pregnant and that would be it. I didn’t expect much more than that," she says.

"But with the system of quotas I started to think I could go to university. My parents couldn’t pay privately – if I wanted to study it had to be at a public university."

Giselle got her place in part due to Rio’s controversial quotas system which sets aside 20% of public university places for poor black and indigenous students, and the same number for students educated in the much criticised public school system.

Legal challenge

Those parents who can afford it often opt to have their children educated in more expensive private schools, giving them a considerable advantage when it comes to highly competitive university entrance exams – especially for prestigious courses such as law and medicine.

Flavio Bolsonaro

It is a process which works against poorer students – which in Brazil often means black or mixed race.

"When you consider the way things are in Brazil, you can see that poverty has a colour," says Lena Medeiros de Menezes, vice rector at the State University.

"It will take a long time for investment in primary and secondary education to bring about equality. How do I see quotas It’s a way to change things and change them rapidly."

But in Rio de Janeiro a question mark hangs over the quotas system after a legal challenge mounted by state congressman Flavio Bolsonaro.

He argues the approach is a form of reverse discrimination.

"What are you going to say to a teenager who goes to do a university entrance exam and gets a high mark, but doesn’t get through, but another teenager has passed with a much lower mark because they have a dark skin" he says.

"What would be the legacy of that for future generations"

White or black

Rio’s Federal University (UFRJ) does not operate a system of quotas, though the issue has been widely debated.

Marcelo Paixao

Professor Marcelo Paixao, who lectures there, says it is clear that in Brazil those of African descent are largely absent from many key professions.

"Here the percentage of black people holding jobs – such as doctors, engineers, economists, lawyers – is very low," he says.

"When you have universities – principally the most prestigious ones which are the public ones – so closed to presence of the Afro-descendent population, this means these professions will also continue to be exclusive to a certain group of people for a very long time."

The debate in Brazil is further complicated because of the sometimes uncertain definition here of who is white, black or mixed race – official surveys let people classify themselves.

Hundreds of years of racial mixing means that many Brazilians regard themselves as neither black nor white but something in between, and recent surveys suggest some people have even changed their view of how they should be described.

Racial equality law

Some argue that quotas even partly based on race introduce a tension that never existed in Brazilian society in the way it has in the United States, while others say it simply recognises the obvious link between being poor and black.

"You can not force a racial identity in a population where a large percentage of the population don’t have a clear racial identity and don’t want that"

Simon Schwartzman
Brazilian researcher

"I think the main issue has to do with poverty and the bad quality of basic education," says Simon Schwartzman, senior researcher at the Institute of Studies of Work and Society in Rio de Janeiro.

"People who are poor don’t have access to good education; they have more difficulty in having access, in particular to the more prestigious courses. It is a question of poverty not of race.

"There are good reasons to be against race quotas in Brazil – I don’t think it makes any sense at all. For people who are poor and didn’t have a good education, I think there is a good argument for that, provided you do it properly.

"You can not force a racial identity in a population where a large percentage of the population don’t have a clear racial identity and don’t want that. If you look at the population and ask people ‘what is your race’ – many people won’t know exactly what to answer.

"That is not to say that you don’t have prejudice, that the fact that you are black you don’t suffer, because you do. You should do specific things about that, but not to institute a kind of national policy based on race," Mr Schwartzman says.

For a future generation of students this complicated question has still to be finally resolved.

A long-debated law on racial equality only recently passed an important stage in congressional approval by avoiding controversial issues such as quotas.

It appears the final word may be left to the country’s Supreme Court which is due to give its views on the matter in the year ahead.


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

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World role?

Posted by admin On October - 31 - 2009

British soldier reconnoitring in Helmand

Britain still has a taste for being a world power – and a determination to be a key influence on the United States, a senior defence analyst has told the BBC.

But it faces a choice on how to play out that role, says Michael Codner, head of military sciences at the Royal United Services Institute.

"It’s really a matter of what the British people feel they are as a nation and what they really want to do," said Mr Codner.

"If they want to be an ordinary European power – and that would be a perfectly sensible option, to be a bit more like Germany or Italy," Britain could spend less on defence.

Strategic raiding

The UK could go for a policy in which it simply contributed to multi-national forces – or a "little Britain" stance in which the forces were only used for defending these islands.

But if we stay the way we are, accustomed to the British armed forces being dispatched for campaigns around the world, and with a sizeable ability to act on our own, the choice must be made, he said.

One policy, which Mr Codner favours, is what defence experts call "strategic raiding" in which British forces are able to intervene swiftly and with a high degree of independence. It places a high value on naval and air forces for "theatre entry and sea basing", and specialist light infantry.

New Royal Navy aircraft carrier; (inset: Typhoon eurofighter)

The classic "strategic raiding" operation, he says, is the successful British intervention in Sierra Leone in 2000.

But with Britain seemingly committed to Afghanistan for a long time, the balance may have shifted to the other option – "global guardianship" or "continuous counter-insurgency", focused on a land campaign with supporting services.

In Afghanistan, he says "Once one has to occupy a country, the building up of good governance, the rule of law and all of that is problematic – and you can’t walk away, for reasons of responsibility.

"It becomes a garrison that you have to put there to keep things going, or what the Army starts to call ‘putting it on a campaign footing’.

"This all relates to the issue of why we support the United States and the presumption that by doing that we achieve influence over the one nation that can really influence the world, by our support."

And, he added: "There is reputation at home. If we are seen to fail badly at anything – and we haven’t really done that in a very obvious way as far as the public’s concerned since Suez in 1956" – people might think "Well, why do we bother to spend money Why don’t we just forget about the special relationship"

Major projects

With a general election approaching, both major parties are promising to hold the first Strategic Defence Review, the first since 1998.

In the background are the debates on major defence projects – especially two aircraft carriers costing £5bn – and the future of Britain’s nuclear weapons.

The aim of influencing America will be central but will not always be stated publicly, said Michael Codner – who has lectured at the US Naval War College as well as many other institutions in Britain and elsewhere.

"More and more, you hear politicians and policy makers talking about routes to a better world for the United Kingdom through modifying United States behaviour."

But the ability of Britain to alter US policy was "very much challenged" over the Iraq war, Michael Codner goes on.

"The conduct of war itself and certainly the preparations for occupation, all of that – I’m sure that if we had real influence, that we thought we ought to have, that would have been done better."

Nor are the Americans very interested in the preservation of Britain’s nuclear deterrent, he thinks.

"The UK are in Afghanistan, and we were in Bosnia, Sierra Leone, East Timor and Iraq, for reasons that relate to the nation’s perception of itself as a great power"

Michael Codner

Michael Codner’s analysis: UK Afghanistan forces

Michael Codner

But do we see ourselves as still a major power, equal to France, say

"If it was put to a referendum and phrased in a neutral way I suspect that perceptions of ourselves as a great power have been sustained," Mr Codner thinks.

A hung parliament might be interesting, he said. A bloc of Labour and Lib Dem MPs might arise "to the extent that war powers became seriously under scrutiny again… so that we could start to slip into more of the normal European model."

In the 1960s and 1970s "our perception of the nation as a great power was pretty undermined – we really were starting to see ourselves as rather a footling nation," Mr Codner told the BBC.

But from the 1980s things changed, partly because of a recovery in Britain’s economic fortunes.

The 1982 Falklands war was also important, he adds. "Who else has won a war so convincingly, against such odds" he asks. "The respect we got from the United States military over the Falklands was extraordinary."


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

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Planned atrocity

Posted by admin On October - 31 - 2009

Widow of a Sikh who was killed in the riot

Nearly 3,000 members of India’s Sikh community were massacred after the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her two Sikh bodyguards on 31 October 1984. Rahul Bedi, one of the first journalists to reach the affected areas in the capital, Delhi, recalls events.

The 25th anniversary of Indira Gandhi’s assassination revives stark memories of some 3,000 Sikhs killed brutally in the orderly pogrom that followed her killing.

The wave of ethnic cleansing which raged unhindered across the country, especially in Delhi, after Mrs Gandhi was shot dead ended only with her cremation on 2 November.

During these three days droves of Sikhs were determinedly hunted down by Hindu mobs from their homes, corralled and slaughtered like animals.

The trigger for Mrs Gandhi’s killing was the storming of the Golden Temple in Sikhism’s holy city Amritsar four months earlier to flush out Sikh militants fighting for an independent homeland of Khalistan or Land of the Pure.

Sikh owned shops sit on fire during the riots in 1984

The heavily-armed militants – many of them former soldiers – had barricaded themselves inside the temple and were dislodged only after three days of bitter fighting. Some 1,000 people, including women and children pilgrims and about 157 soldiers, died.

Tanks too were employed to end the siege, leaving Sikhs highly aggrieved.

The eventual and possibly avoidable storming of the Golden Temple generated a wave of violence leading to Mrs Gandhi’s assassination, the anti-Sikh riots and a vicious insurgency across Punjab that was eventually stamped out by the military around 1993, although not without widespread human rights abuses.

But the 1984 Delhi riots rocked the world, more so for the state’s direct involvement and public justification of the blood-letting.

‘Earth shakes’

Reacting to the continuing Sikh killings in Delhi and other places, newly appointed Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi declared at a massive rally in the capital that "once a mighty tree falls, it is only natural that the earth around it shakes".

One of the worst massacres took place in two narrow alleys in the city’s poor Trilokpuri colony where some 350 Sikhs, including women and children, were casually butchered over 72 hours.

A widow of a victim of the anti-Sikh riots with a picture of her husband

The charred and hacked remains of the hundreds that perished in Trilokpuri’s Block 32 on the smoky and dank evening of 2 November 1984 were stark testimony to the unimpeded and seemingly endless massacre.

Soon after news of Mrs Gandhi’s killing by her Sikh bodyguards spread, Hindu mobs swung into action – like they did elsewhere in the city armed with voters’ lists – in Trilokpuri against the low caste Sikhs inhabiting one-roomed tenements on either side of two narrow alleyways barely 150 yards long.

With local police connivance they blocked entry to the neighbourhood with massive concrete water pipes and stationed guards armed with sticks atop them.

For the next three days marauding groups armed with cleavers, scythes, kitchen knives and scissors took breaks to eat and regroup in between executing their bloodthirsty mission.

Bodies of Sikhs killed in the riots at the New Delhi railway station <i>Photo: Ashok Vahie</i>” border=”0″ vspace=”4″ hspace=”4″></p>
<p> When as a reporter then with the Indian Express newspaper I along with two other colleagues visited the area on the eve of Mrs Gandhi’ funeral, both lanes were littered with bodies, body parts and hair brutally hacked off, forcing us to walk precariously on tip-toe. </p>
<p>It was impossible to place one’s foot flat on the ground for fear of stepping on either a severed limb or a body. </p>
<p>Earlier in the day two policemen on a motorcycle had emerged from Block 32 and reassured us that <i>shanti</i> or calm prevailed inside it and no untoward incident had occurred. </p>
<p>A few hours later on returning to the spot we saw that the entire area was awash with blood, a large proportion of it black coagulated mounds over which flies buzzed lazily. </p>
<p><b>Abject terror</b></p>
<p>It was also piled high in the open drains on either side of the tenements, never efficient at the best of times, alongside other human remains. </p>
<p>As we walked through this implausible slaughter in the light of hurricane lamps provided by some residents, the complete silence despite the large mob surrounding us was eerie. </p>
<p>No one spoke and nothing, except the bizarre, dancing shadows moved during this surrealistic interlude. </p>
<p>Even one of the only survivors – a young polio-afflicted mother – holding her new born in her arms gazed sightlessly upon us. </p>
<p>Her blank look momentarily changed into one of abject terror as we bent down to take her child to whom she fiercely clung. </p>
<p>She probably took us to be the butchers who had massacred her entire family piled up high in the room behind her. </p>
<p>A whimper led us to a barely conscious young Sikh, hiding under a heap of bodies, his slashed stomach wrapped crudely around with a turban. </p>
</p>
<p><img src=

All he wanted was water, parched after over 36 hours of concealing himself under the mound of corpses and bleeding steadily. He died soon after in hospital.

Some doors down a two-year-old girl, unmindful of the bodies, walked lazily over to us holding out her arms asking to be taken home.

Unfortunately, she was home; but one littered with the bloated bodies of her parents and siblings killed two nights earlier.

Police arrived in Trilokpuri 24 hours later when the Indian Express revealed the horrific massacre.

Sadly, there were no Sikhs left to protect.

Two inquiry commissions and seven investigative committees into the 1984 Sikh riots later no one has been held guilty for the Trilokpuri killings.

Of the 2,733 officially admitted murders, only nine cases have so far led to the conviction of 20 people in 25 years; a conviction rate of less than 1%.

But Manmohan Singh’s elevation to India’s prime minister in 2004 was looked upon by the flamboyant Sikh community as the vindication of its destiny of being born to rule.

Previous transgressions by his Congress party were forgiven but not forgotten and his casually tied trademark blue turban represented a collective crown for the enterprising but persecuted Sikh community.

Mr Singh, they said, was king.

Rahul Bedi is based in Delhi and works as the India correspondent for Jane’s Defence Weekly and the Irish Times. During the 1984 riots he was with the Indian Express.


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

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In pictures

Posted by admin On October - 31 - 2009

India’s massacre of the Sikhs after Indira Gandhi death

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Guantanamo Uighurs to Palau

Posted by admin On October - 31 - 2009

US military guards escort a Guantanamo detainee (6 December 2006)

Six Chinese Uighur inmates from the US detention centre at Guantanamo Bay have been transferred to the Pacific island nation of Palau, officials have said.

Lawyers for three of them said they had "arrived to freedom" early on Sunday.

Palau agreed in June to take up to a dozen Uighurs who were captured during the US-led war in Afghanistan but not later classified as "enemy combatants".

China wants them to be returned there, but the US says it cannot repatriate them due to the risk of mistreatment.

Beijing has frequently cracked down on Uighur dissidents, who it accuses of seeking an independent homeland in the western province of Xinjiang.

Four other Uighur detainees were resettled in Bermuda earlier this year, and another five went to Albania in 2006.

‘Safe from oppression’

A law firm representing three of the six Uighurs released from Guantanamo on Saturday confirmed that they had arrived safely at their new home in the main town of Koror.

"The men are happy at long last to be free"

Eric Tirschwell
Kramer Levin Naftalis & Frankel

"These men want nothing more than to live peaceful, productive lives in a free, democratic nation safe from oppression by the Chinese," Eric Tirschwell of Kramer Levin Naftalis & Frankel told the Associated Press.

"Thanks to Palau, which has graciously offered them a temporary home, they now have that chance," he added.

Mr Tirschwell said the men had already begun learning English and looked forward to become productive members of the community.

The men will live in a three-storey building which is a five-minute walk from Koror’s only mosque, one of two on the island.

Palau has a Muslim population of about 500, mostly migrant workers from Bangladesh. Many face being deported due to lapsed work permits.

Palau

In addition to the six Uighurs who arrived on Sunday, the island nation has offered to take six of the seven others still being held at Guantanamo. One did not receive an invitation because of concerns about his mental health.

Palau, a former US trust territory, is an archipelago of eight main islands plus more than 250 islets that is best known for diving and tourism and is located some 800km (500 miles) east of the Philippines.

The tiny nation has retained close ties with Washington since independence in 1994 when it signed a Compact of Free Association with the US. It relies heavily on the US for aid and defence, and does not have diplomatic relations with China.

The latest departures from Guantanamo occurred after the US Supreme Court, rejecting the government’s position, said it would hear an appeal by the Uighurs, who have argued that they should be released onto US soil.

There are now 215 detainees remaining at the prison camp, which President Barack Obama has pledged to close by 22 January.


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

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